Feature: How the Uzbek President’s son-in-law took charge of MMA in Central Asia

Karim Zidan looks at Otabek Umarov, the Uzbek president’s younger son-in-law who was placed in charge of Uzbekistan’s MMA association as well as the recently formed Central Asian MMA confederation. 

In November 2019, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s son-in-law was placed at the helm of Uzbekistan’s Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) Association, raising concerns of nepotism within the current administration.

Otabek Umarov, who is married to the president’s younger daughter, Shahnoza, already has several roles within the current government, including deputy head of Mirziyoyev’s personal security and an informal ambassador at diplomatic events with foreign dignitaries. His sudden rise highlights the positions of privilege that Mirziyoyev reserves for family members — a classic example of political nepotism.

Umarov’s latest appointment comes a mere few months after being nominated as chairman of Uzbekistan’s triathlon federation in July 2019. The announcement was met with support from celebrities such as Steven Seagal and Roy Jones Jr., both of whom were gifted Russian citizenship by President Vladimir Putin.

Wasting little time in his new role, Umarov and the Uzbek MMA Association hosted a Gorilla Fighting Championships (GFC) event headlined by MMA prospect Omar Nurmagomedov, cousin of UFC lightweight champion Khabib, in Tashkent later that month. The president’s son-in-law took the opportunity to invite the UFC champion and spend time with him in the Uzbek capital, posing alongside Nurmagomedov at the official press conference and in training at the gym.

“Khabib is truly a worthy son of his people, loyal to his traditions, and is an excellent example for the youth of Uzbekistan, and the whole world, worthy of emulation,” Umarov said of his first meeting with the Dagestani fighter.

While Umarov appears to hold a genuine interest in sports, his appointment is a prime example of how Uzbekistan’s kleptocracy maintains a stranglehold on influence within its borders.

New President, Old Problems

When Shavkat Mirziyoyev ascended to power in 2016, many believed that change was imminent.

Mirziyoyev’s predecessor, Islam Karimov, ruled Uzbekistan with a iron fist dating back to the country’s independence in 1991. During his tenure, which lasted a total of 25 years, the country faced rising kleptocracy, public-sector corruption, and human rights abuses. Upon Karimov’s death, many expressed hope that the next president would breathe new life into the government and put an end to decades of unchecked corruption.

However, old patterns emerged once more. Mirziyoyev, a member of the Samarkand clan, was elected in December 2016 in what was described by international media as a “sham” election. Yet despite the criticism, Mirziyoyev’s foreign policy later proved to be far more inclusive and open than that of his predecessor. He put an end to Uzbekistan’s isolationist policies and strengthened ties with world leaders across various continents. This series of changes even caused some to label him a reformer.

In the years to come, Mirziyoyev continued to take steps to reform his country’s awful human rights record. In 2018, authorities released approximately 40 persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges since September 2016, and hundreds of “independent Muslims” who practiced their religion outside state control. Then in August 2019, Jaslyk prison — a notorious detention facility known as the “House of Torture” — was permanently shuttered. However, it should be noted that thousands of individuals remain behind bars on politically motivated charges.

While Uzbek citizens are slowly witnessing slight improvements in freedom of speech and press under Mirziyoyev, those freedoms remain heavily restricted. The security service remains vastly influential, while free election resemble distant dreams.

There are also concerns that Mirziyoyev is using political nepotism to ensure key government roles stays within his inner circle. His youngest daughter, Shahnoza, works at the Preschool Education Ministry, where she is a high ranking official who is believed to have control over funding within the ministry. His eldest daughter, Saida, is a deputy director of Uzbekistan’s Agency for Information and Mass Communications — a position she wields to control state media and public relations — while her husband is part of Mirziyoyev’s presidential administration.

Xinhua/Sadat via Getty Images

As for Umarov, he continues to hold multiple roles within the Uzbek government while juggling his term at the helm of various sports regulatory bodies. Last month, he was nominated as head of the Central Asian MMA Confederation, an umbrella organization that unites the national MMA associations of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The election took place at an International Mixed Martial Arts Federation (IMMAF) meeting in Kazakhstan on February 8.

“The creation of these Area and Regional Commissions, under the IMMAF umbrella, will allow our policies and values to develop more quickly at local level, where the impact on the development of amateur MMA will be greatest,” IMMAF President Kerrith Brown said during the press conference.